This view dominated public and political discourse in the immediate post-World War II decades.
As noted, his first Congressional campaign boasted of taking on the anti-Cold War faction of the Democratic party led by Henry Wallace, and as a congressman he aligned himself with those who said the Truman Administration wasn't being tough enough, when he willingly attached his name to the chorus demanding "Who Lost China?
Inwhile running for the Senate, he proudly trumpeted the fact that during his first term in the House, even before Nixon had won fame for the exposure of Alger Hiss, JFK's work on a labor committee led to the conviction of a communist union official.
While in Congress, he supported all of America's overseas activities in waging the Cold War. Even while running for President inJFK appealed to the "tough on the Soviets" issue by consistently hammering at Eisenhower for America's supposed lack of leadership, and America "falling behind the Soviets.
Those who point to the Limited Test Ban Treaty as proof of JFK wanting to begin the first step toward disarmament, should remember that JFK wanted a ban chiefly for environmental reasons, and not because he envisioned the long-term elimination of nuclear weapons.
JFK, to be sure, did make efforts to reduce direct tensions with the USSR following the Cuban Missile Crisis, and the installation of a teletype Hot Line was seen as essential to preventing the slowness of communication that had hampered talks during the crisis from happening again.
But merely because JFK wanted to reduce direct tensions with the USSR in no way meant backing away from the basic principle of containment first enunciated in the Truman Doctrine. Khrushchev had still publically declared that the Soviets would support "wars of national liberation" wherever they occurred in the world, and since JFK firmly believed in the "Domino Theory" as he told David Brinkley in the fall ofthen the idea of backing away from containment was impractical from Communism in the us essay national security stanpoint, let alone a political one.
It was for these reasons alone, that holding the line in Vietnam was essential. It was JFK who increased America's troop number from to 16, and he repeatedly insisted that while Vietnam might have been "in the final analysis, their war," American troops were nontheless not there "to see a war lost" and that he totally disagreed with those who were suggesting the idea of a pullout.
|Letter from the CEO||In regard to the history of American communism the essay demonstrates a significant shift by two major left historians; but in regard to the history of American anticommunism, however, little has changed. The two issues are inextricably mixed and as welcome as movement on the first matter is, the immobility on the second shows the still yawning gap between their perspective and mine.|
|Free English School Essays||Communist symbolism The five-pointed red star has often served as a symbol of communism. One interpretation sees the five points as representing the five fingers of the worker's hand, as well as the five continents.|
|Table of Contents||Get your papers done by real academic pros in the blink of an eye. However, you can pay for essay writing on our website and your order will be completed by the best experts in the academic field you choose.|
That JFK was determined not to see Vietnam lost was borne out by his actions all throughout It was JFK who decided that South Vietnamese President Ngo Dinh Diem needed to be removed from office not because Diem was engaging in repression against Buddhists, but because Kennedy had become convinced that Diem was an impediment to winning the war.
Those who insist that JFK was ready to wash his hands of Vietnam and abandon the South never seem to realize that if that were the case, then why did JFK meddle so much in South Vietnamese politics right up to the eve of his death?
Since the South was not in any immediate danger of collapse, it would have been far simpler for JFK to disengage than by engineering a coup against Diem.
Revisionists who claim otherwise about JFK and Vietnam hinge their assertions on two points. One, are the stories told by JFK aides Dave Powers and Ken O'Donnell that JFK had privately revealed his intention to withdraw, but only after the elections, when it would be politically far more feasible to do so.
This assertion has to be taken with a grain of salt. But five years earlier, when Vietnam had not yet torn the nation apart as deeply as it would by andthe attitude of the JFK faction was entirely different. All of them, from Arthur Schlesinger to Pierre Salinger, and most importantly Teddy and Robert Kennedy, put aside their distaste for Lyndon Johnson to support the initial committment because, in their minds, Vietnam was perceived as having been a Kennedy operation.
Not until late andwhen Vietnam was now seen in the public perception as having been entirely started by LBJ, was it safe for the Kennedy faction to be anti-war without being anti-JFK.
And bythere was hardly anyone in America who still remembered Vietnam as having been at one time a Kennedy operation. Therefore, when this context of when O'Donnell and Powers wrote their memoir is taken into account, one cannot call this confirmation of JFK's real intentions.
More importantly, the active policymakers, including Secretary of State Dean Rusk, insisted that JFK never discussed pulling out at any time.
Even more telling is the fact that when Lyndon Johnson did make the decision to go to war one year later, the advice he took came entirely from Kennedy holdovers, including Rusk, Robert McNamara, and national security advisor McGeorge Bundy.
The only voice raised in opposition to a committment was undersecretary of State George Ball, but he had never held more influence over JFK than the others. In point of fact, the one person who knew JFK better than anyone else, Robert Kennedy, was willing to let history know exactly what his brother's intentions in Vietnam had been as early as andthe critical period before it had truly become "Johnson's War.
If you lost Vietnam, I think everybody was quite clear that the rest of Southeast Asia would fall. If that were in fact true, then what the JFK partisans are saying is that JFK was prepared to lie to the American public, and to the South Vietnamese people and government about his committment to South Vietnam for the sake of pure politics.
At the same time, JFK would have been willing to make all of America's allies wonder if America was serious about keeping its word in honoring its committments, if he in fact went through with such a cynical betrayal of the South.
It stretches the imagination to think that a man of JFK's political savvy would have been willing to sacrifice American credibility in such a cynical fashion by promising to defend the South inand then throwing them to the wolves in Your graduate school admission essay or graduate school personal statement is important.
Get help with your graduate school application essay. Effects of Communism on the United States Essay. In , the Truman Doctrine announced that the United States needs to take responsibility for defending people throughout the world from communist .
To arrive at the edge of the world's knowledge, seek out the most complex and sophisticated minds, put them in a room together, and have them ask each other the questions they are asking themselves.
About the Author. Frederic Bastiat () was a French economist, statesman, and author.
He led the free-trade movement in France from its inception in until his untimely death in The meaning of communism is defined as economic and social system in which all property and resources are collectively owned by a classless society and not by individual citizens.
This essay collection from renowned journalist and novelist Slavenka Drakulic, which quickly became a modern (and feminist) classic, draws back the Iron Curtain for a glimpse at the lives of Eastern European women under Communist regimes.